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Social Promotion and Students with
Disabilities: Issues and Challenges in Developing State Policies
NCEO Synthesis Report 34
Published by the National Center on Educational Outcomes
Prepared by:
Rachel F. Quenemoen • Camilla A. Lehr •
Martha L. Thurlow • Sandra J. Thompson • Sara Bolt
June 2000
Any or all portions of this document may be
reproduced and distributed without prior permission, provided the source is
cited as:
Quenemoen, R. F., Lehr, C. A., Thurlow, M. L.,
Thompson, S. J., & Bolt, S. (2000). Social promotion and students with
disabilities: Issues and challenges in developing state policies (Synthesis
Report No. 34). Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota, National Center on
Educational Outcomes. Retrieved [today's date], from the World Wide Web: http://education.umn.edu/NCEO/OnlinePubs/Synthesis34.html
Executive
Summary
Within the context of current educational
reform, the move to end social promotion is receiving increasing attention.
Questions about the practice of moving students to the next grade even if they
do not have required skills are being addressed at the federal level, and in
growing numbers of states and school districts.
This policy study looks at existing and
emerging state policies on social promotion to determine the extent to which
students with disabilities are included or excluded. Results reflect the status
of state policies at one point in time, as determined from publicly available
state documents and statutes. The review is meant to contribute to thoughtful
policy development and stimulate consideration of issues associated with high
stakes testing to assess accountability for students with and without
disabilities.
Starting from AFT’s identification of 14
states that have or will have promotion policies, we examined (1) policies in
general, (2) promotion criteria and interventions, and (3) how students with
disabilities are addressed in policies and interventions. School improvement
plans and funding also were examined. Our analysis showed that policies varied
considerably in terms of the bases for promotion decisions (e.g., content, grade
level), but that all states used test performance as the primary basis for
decisions. Although many interventions were identified for student performance
remediation, most states relied on summer school, extended day, or after school
programs.
All of the 14 states with existing or
emerging promotion polices referred to students with disabilities in their
policies. However, the application of promotion criteria to students with
disabilities was minimal or not clearly stated in many states. The IEP typically
plays a role in how individual decisions are made for students with
disabilities, but the specific role varies widely among states. Our analysis
revealed that it is difficult to determine intervention options for students
with disabilities from public state documents. Eight states with policies to end
social promotion included specific guidelines about interventions for students
with disabilities, yet these state guidelines varied widely.
Implementation of policies and practices
designed to stop social promotion will require continuous monitoring of student
outcomes, especially in states and districts implementing high stakes testing
for systems and for students. It is critical to begin open and continuous
discussion among all stakeholders on the impact of policies like those examined
in this report. Several issues and challenges will have to be addressed in these
discussions, including:
• Confusion about the best approach to
reduce social promotion, without incurring negative consequences such as
increased dropout rates.
• Use of assessments designed
primarily to measure progress of schools and districts for the purpose of
making decisions about individual students.
• Lack of coordination of school
reform components (e.g., IDEA 97 and promotion policies).
• Limited information on efforts
regarding interventions, particularly as they apply to students with
disabilities.
• Funding considerations that may
limit the application of interventions to students with disabilities.
Social and Political
Context of Social Promotion
We expect
our public schools to produce results. We expect fourth graders to work at least
at the fourth grade level, eighth graders to work at least at the eighth grade,
and high school graduates to have mastered the high school curriculum. What do
we do when students have not reached expected levels? This question is being
addressed in an increasing number of states and school districts by policies to
“end social promotion.” Do our expectations and our strategies for addressing
the question vary depending on “who” the student is?
Over the
past 150 years, the pendulum has swung between two policy directions for
students in our public schools who do not attain grade level skills—repeating a
grade (retention) vs. advancing to the next grade based on age and social
criteria rather than on academic achievement (social promotion) (Parelius &
Parelius, 1987). Social and economic pressures have influenced the policy swings
as much as educational practice and research, but by the end of the 20th century, educators had come to realize that the social
promotion vs. retention dichotomy is not very helpful. Consensus has emerged
that the alternative to retention is not social promotion, but a host of other
interventions and alternatives (Riley, Smith, & Peterson, 1999).
During the
1980s and 90s, educators struggled to define more appropriate interventions and
alternatives. By 1996, Sizer summarized new thinking among educators: “the new
assumption, which has emerged in the past fifteen years, is that if a kid does
not get it in the usual way, the school should try to help him get it in another
way. Everybody has to get it. No one can be sorted out” (Sizer, 1996, p. 35).
This shift
in thinking has occurred in the political realm as well. By the mid to late
1990s, business and political leaders grappled with a labor shortage and a
perception that schools must prepare the workforce with higher level skills.
There has been new economic rationale to ensure that all students learn to high
standards, and new impetus to improve the quality of curriculum and instruction.
The Improving America’s Schools Act of 1994 introduced new public school
accountability mandates, and specified that all students be included in the
measurement of progress toward standards. Building on that base, the Individuals
with Disabilities Education Act of 1997 and other reform measures (e.g.,
School-to-Work Opportunities Act, Carl Perkins) emphasize high standards for all
students, with inclusive accountability measures. These accountability measures
require new and higher expectations for learning at the system, school, and
student levels.
From that
mandated base, leaders in both major political parties agree on one key
piece—social promotion, the practice of moving students to the next grade even
if they do not have required skills, must end. The language of the two parties
sounds remarkably similar, and shows recognition of the reality that social
promotion and retention are not the only two alternatives at hand. In 1998,
President Clinton declared, “... I have fought for excellence, competition, and
accountability in our nation’s public schools, with more parental involvement,
greater choice, better teaching, and an end to social promotion” (as cited in
Riley, Smith, & Peterson, 1999). Republican presidential candidate Texas
Governor George W. Bush proposed legislation for his home state that sets a
standard of requiring students to pass the Texas Assessment of Academic Skills
(TAAS) in third, fifth, and eighth grades in order to be promoted. Governor Bush
says, “this plan is designed to use the TAAS as an early warning device to get
students help early, when it’s most effective” (Fikac, 1999). In that context,
state lawmakers have initiated social promotion legislation to address how to
end social promotion, and have linked these policies to standards-based reform
efforts in their states.
Current Educational Reform
Issues Surrounding Social Promotion
Almost all
states have established educational content and performance standards for all
students. Student progress toward these standards is being measured using
large-scale assessments (Olson, Bond, & Andrews, 1999; Thurlow, Ysseldyke,
Gutman, & Geenan, 1998). Federal legislation (e.g., IASA, IDEA, Goals 2000)
clearly states that goals and standards must be developed for all students, and
that standards for students receiving general education and special education
services must be consistent to the maximum extent possible. In addition, all
students, including students with disabilities, must participate in state and
district-wide assessments with appropriate accommodations when necessary. Social
promotion must be considered in conjunction with current national education
reforms to establish high standards and to measure state, district, and student
achievement using formal assessment systems.
Other
legislated improvement efforts also relate to social promotion efforts. Goals
2000 requirements state that the graduation rate must be increased to 90% by the
year 2000 (National Education Goals Panel, 1995). Recent statistics from the
National Center for Education Statistics (1997) indicate that 85% of all 18-24
year olds who were not still enrolled had completed a high school program. This
statistic does not reflect the uneven distribution of dropout rates across
various populations. For example, the graduation rate for white students is 91%,
but it is only 83% for African American students and 62% for Hispanic students
(NCES, 1997). Students with disabilities have higher rates of dropout than
students without disabilities (U.S. Department of Education, 1998). Moreover,
students with emotional and behavioral disorders are at highest risk for
dropping out compared with students in other disability categories (Kortering &
Blackorby, 1992; Marder & D’Amico, 1992; Wagner, 1995; Wolman, Bruininks, &
Thurlow, 1989). A critical question to be answered is: How will policies
advocating no more social promotion affect these students who are most at risk
of not completing school?
This
question leads to a review of civil rights issues emerging as school reform is
being implemented. Over the last half of the 20th century, progress has been made in ensuring equal
access to a quality education for many targeted populations of students, such as
students of color, economically disadvantaged students, students with
disabilities, students with limited English proficiency, and even females as a
group. This discussion has been characterized by continual tension between
equity and excellence, equality and quality.
Recent
work linking educational reform practice with legal issues, specifically civil
rights issues, addresses that tension. Legal focus in the 1990s has been on the
right of all students to have both opportunity and success in educational
settings. Arthur L. Coleman, former Deputy Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights,
U.S. Department of Education, concluded, based on case law that “the goals of
guaranteeing excellence through the promotion of high academic standards and
ensuring that all students have fair opportunities to achieve success in public
education are inseparable, mutually dependent goals” (1998, p. 85). Coleman
makes it clear that the legal expectation is NOT that results will be equal.
Instead, each child should have an equal opportunity to achieve high academic
standards, as measured by appropriate assessment processes. In that context,
students must be given a fair opportunity to succeed on any high stakes
assessment process, not a guarantee they will succeed. Unequal test scores do
not necessarily point to inequities. Integrity of the test or decision process
becomes the proof of fairness, indicated by careful alignment of standards,
curriculum and instruction, assessment, and opportunity for intervention as the
student works toward the high stakes assessment.
Case law
reinforces these indicators as the required evidence about the integrity of the
test or decision process. The court has refused to intervene on school policies
that have clear performance standards based on test scores, if they provide for
remedial options for students at risk of failing, and some flexibility of
administration and decision-making based on student need; but they also have
questioned quality school improvement programs with high stakes that are
administered without adequate preparatory time for students (Coleman, 1998). The
court looks for direct or indirect evidence of appropriate alignment across
standards, opportunities to learn, and assessment, and for evidence of remedial
efforts that are available for students at risk of failing.
The
expectation of a diploma is considered to be a property right under
constitutional protection; denial of promotion or graduation at a particular
time is not (Coleman, 1998). Ultimately it may be that the legal issue comes at
the point of graduation or diploma stakes, not on promotion decisions; but a
record of interventions built into promotion decisions can make the withholding
of diplomas defensible.
Implementation of the laws and regulations requiring both high standards and
equity sometimes results in unintended outcomes of exclusion or denial of
services to some subgroups, such as minority populations with well-documented
performance gaps and students with disabilities. The use of high stakes testing
to assess student accountability and make decisions about promotion or
graduation can contribute to those unintended and undesired outcomes for
individuals. Alternatively, high stakes testing,
aligned to high standards and access to the general education curriculum,
can be used to identify where systematic unequal educational opportunity exists,
and lead to interventions on the quality of the opportunities for all students,
at both the system and individual levels.
Policies
related to high standards, accountability, and decisions about social promotion
can lead to either of these two alternatives. Looking at the research base on
the consequences of social promotion and retention may help us understand policy
options that will lead to the best outcomes for all students.
Research on Consequences of
Social Promotion and Retention Policies
The
research base on both social promotion and retention is of varying quality, and
we have very few studies examining changes in the curriculum or instruction that
students receive before and after retention. The majority of studies on
retention document its ineffectiveness as an intervention aimed at improving
achievement levels for students who are already struggling. Studies on social
promotion are hampered by limited documentation of the number or percentage of
students who are socially promoted, and the difficulty of identifying them.
Retention
is the most common and immediate consequence for students who have not mastered
grade level material (Shepard, 1991). Estimates suggest that about 2.4 million
students are retained each year (Shepard & Smith, 1989), costing approximately
14 billion dollars annually (roughly $6,000 per student). Research on retention
reinforces evidence of varying impact on racial and economic groups, finding
that students who are more likely to be retained tend to be male, African
American or Hispanic, of low socio-economic standing, and have parents who
dropped out of school (Alexander, Entwisle & Dauber, 1995).
Some
researchers investigating the effects of non promotion fear that it will
increase the dropout rate (Sperry, 1996). Repeating a grade has been linked with
an increased risk of dropping out of school (Cairns, Cairns, & Neckerman, 1989;
Grissom & Shepard, 1989). For the individual student who drops out, negative
outcomes include low income and lifetime earnings, high unemployment rates,
involvement in the criminal system, and limited cognitive growth (Policy
Information Center, 1995). The damaging effects of dropping out are also felt by
society. In fact, the estimated costs attributed to dropouts in terms of lost
revenues, welfare and unemployment, and crime prevention and prosecution have
been estimated to be in the billions of dollars, translating to about $800
annually per taxpayer (Joint Economic Committee, 1991). The costs of dropping
out of school are even more pronounced for students with disabilities (Marder &
D’Amico, 1992). Ramifications of a policy that may increase the rate of dropouts
among at-risk populations must be carefully considered and examined, and
alternative interventions be considered.
Several
large urban districts have implemented social promotion policies in the past few
years. The effort in Chicago has shown mixed results in student performance, and
has generated heated and vigorous discussion based on competing interpretations
of these early data (Moore, 1999; Roderick, Bryk, Jacob, Easton, & Allensworth,
1999). Although gains in numbers of students achieving standards were shown as a
result of some interventions, especially for older students, the progress was
not maintained over time (Roderick et al., 1999). The policy appears to be
disproportionately affecting minority students, with African American students
4.5 times more likely to be retained than white students, and Hispanic students
retained 3 times as often as white students (Moore, 1999, p. 3). Large numbers
of students with disabilities and students with limited English proficiency were
excluded from the initial evaluation study (Viadero, 2000).
Purpose of This Study
This
policy study looks at existing and emerging state policies on social promotion
in 14 states to determine how and the extent to which students with disabilities
are included or excluded. This is a “one point in time” snapshot of state
policies that change almost weekly, and is based on publicly available
information as of December 1999. It builds on the American Federation of
Teachers 1999 study of the 14 states that “have or will have a promotion policy”
(AFT, 1999, p. 8), and is meant to contribute to continuing policy development
and refinement in these states and others.
If
students are excluded from social promotion policies and interventions, it may
suggest that they are not being held to the same standards as other students,
and they may be excluded from participating in educational programs that are
developed as a result of the policy. It is hoped that this study will contribute
to policy development that will address the rights of all students to have high
expectations for learning to standards, access to the general education
curriculum aligned to the standards, and varied and multiple interventions so
that they all have the opportunity to succeed.
Method
For the
purpose of this report, we used information collected by the American Federation
of Teachers (AFT) to identify states that have or will have social promotion
policies. In its report entitled Making Standards Matter (1999), 14 states
with social promotion policies in place or in process were identified (see Table
1).
Table 1. States that Have or Will Have Promotion Policies (AFT, 1999)
| Arkansas (AR) |
Illinois (IL) |
South Carolina (SC) |
| California (CA) |
Louisiana (LA) |
Texas (TX) |
| Delaware (DE) |
Nevada (NV) |
Virginia (VA) |
| District of Columbia (DC) |
North Carolina (NC) |
Wisconsin |
| Florida (FL) |
Ohio (OH) |
|
Although
other states may have social promotion policies at varying stages of
development, we elected to build on the 14 states identified in the AFT research
as an already identified sample. We compiled documents from each of these 14
states and examined them to answer two questions:
•
What are the key components of social promotion policies?
•
To what extent do social promotion policies address students with disabilities?
To answer
these questions, information was gathered from public state documents available
or referenced through state education department Web sites on or before December
31, 1999. Many states with social promotion policies had information that was
easily accessible on their Web sites, while others did not make reference to
social promotion. In all cases, legislative statutes mentioning the social
promotion policy were collected. It is probable that some states have developed
additional supporting material since this review was conducted. Furthermore,
variability across Web sites may have reflected different levels of
implementation.
Collected
documents included state statutes, public reports, policy memos, and guidelines.
We examined each document and generated several categories for organizing the
information through discussion and consensus. Next, through a process of data
reduction, information was summarized and grouped into categories illustrating:
the criteria used to determine whether students are promoted, the extent to
which students with disabilities are addressed, and the extent to which student
interventions and school improvement plans (linked to social promotion policies)
are in place. In addition, documents were examined to determine whether funding
was specifically mentioned in relation to instituting social promotion policies.
Summary sheets for each state were developed and, in some cases, language was
inserted that was taken directly from the public documents. The sources used are
included in each state’s summary sheet (see Appendix A).
After the
state summary sheets were developed, we identified similarities and patterns
across states. Summary statements were generated from the patterns that emerged.
These are listed in the Results section, by category of statement. All
information was reexamined and verified by NCEO staff for accuracy against the
December 1999 data sample.
Results
The
results of our policy analysis reflect the status of emerging state policies at
one point in time, as determined from publicly available state documents and
statutes. Within these emerging policies, states put varying emphasis on the
methods of ending social promotion, including student retention, retention with
interventions or support, and promotion with interventions and support. States
may use the same grade levels, subjects, and criteria to determine student
performance against standards, but somewhat different outcomes may result from
the states’ varying emphasis on (1) retention, (2) retention with interventions
and supports, and (3) promotion with intervention and supports. At this point in
time, policies do not always define this variability clearly. Thus, the tables
do not differentiate among these three strategies, and for the purposes of this
paper, we include all three equally as policy decisions to “end social
promotion.”
Grade Levels and Subjects
Table 2
lists the grade levels and the subject areas in which students are assessed in
order to make promotion decisions. We generated several summary statements based
on the information found in the public state documents:
•
Promotion decisions are made on the basis of test performance in a variety of
subject areas. The 14 states that have policies for ending social promotion base
decisions on student performance in math, reading, writing, science, or social
studies (social studies may include citizenship, history, social science, and
geography).
•
Reading and math are the most common subject areas on which promotion decisions
are based.
•
Promotion decisions are made at a variety of grade levels. Of the 14 states that
have social promotion policies, grade levels ranged from K to 11.
•
Assessment to determine promotion occurs most often in grades 3, 4, 5, and 8.
Although
most states note the subject area assessed and grade level used to determine
promotion, some states do not clearly specify one or the other or both. In one
state, we could not determine, from the documents that were publicly available,
which grade levels or subject areas would be assessed to determine promotion
decisions. It is possible that lack of clear and easily accessible information
may reflect policies that are relatively new or in the process of development.
Table 2. States Targeting Grade and Subject Area for Promotion Decisions
|
Math |
Reading |
Writing |
Science |
Social Studies |
Kindergarten |
|
Arkansas |
Arkansas |
|
|
Grade 1 |
Arkansas, District of Columbia, South Carolina |
Arkansas, District of Columbia, Florida, South
Carolina |
Arkansas |
|
|
Grade 2 |
Arkansas, District of Columbia, South
Carolina |
Arkansas, California, District of
Columbia, Florida, South Carolina |
Arkansas |
|
|
Grade 3 |
Arkansas, District of
Columbia, Florida, Illinois,
North Carolina, South
Carolina, Virginia |
Arkansas, California,
Delaware, District of
Columbia, Florida,
Illinois, North
Carolina, South
Carolina, Texas,
Virginia |
Arkansas, Illinois,
Virginia |
Virginia |
Virginia |
Grade 4 |
Arkansas,
California,
District of
Columbia,
Florida,
Louisiana,
Nevada, Ohio,
Wisconsin |
Arkansas,
California,
District of
Columbia,
Florida,
Ohio,
Louisiana,
Nevada |
Arkansas,
California,
Florida,
Louisiana,
Ohio,
Wisconsin |
Ohio,
Nevada,
Wisconsin |
Ohio,
Wisconsin |
Grade 5 |
California,
District
of
Columbia,
Florida,
Illinois,
North
Carolina,
Virginia,
Texas |
California,
Delaware,
District
of
Columbia,
Florida,
Illinois,
North
Carolina,
Texas,
Virginia |
California, Illinois, North Carolina, Virginia |
Virginia |
Virginia |
Grade 6 |
Arkansas, District of Columbia, Florida, Ohio, South Carolina |
Arkansas, District of Columbia, Florida, Ohio, South Carolina |
Arkansas, Ohio |
Ohio |
Ohio |
Grade 7 |
District of Columbia, Florida |
District of Columbia, Florida |
|
|
|
Grade 8 |
Arkansas, California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Louisiana, Nevada, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Wisconsin |
Arkansas, California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Louisiana, Nevada, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia |
Arkansas, California, Florida, Louisiana, North Carolina, Virginia, Wisconsin |
Nevada, Virginia, Wisconsin |
Virginia, Wisconsin |
Grade 9 |
District of Columbia, Florida |
District of Columbia, Florida |
|
|
|
Grade 10 |
District of Columbia, Florida, Nevada, Ohio |
Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Nevada, Ohio |
Florida, Ohio |
Nevada, Ohio |
Ohio |
Grade 11 |
District of Columbia |
District of Columbia |
|
|
|
Note: The information in this table is based on policies available in December, 1999. Some of the policies at that time were in proposed state policies while others were in policies already in place.
CA: English/Language Arts has been included in the category labeled "writing." Decision making occurs between "intermediate and middle" school and between "middle and high school." For this chart, CA has been counted in grade 5 and grade 8. Florida will add testing in science in grade 2003. Testing occurs in grades 1-3 but promotion decisions are made in grade 4. Remediation may occur in primary grades and data from earlier grades may be used in decision-making in grade 4.
IL: Districts can ask for optional reading inventories to provide appropriate remediation in primary grades.
OH:Testing occurs in reading during grades 1-3, but promotion decisions are made in grade 4.
TX: School districts may opt to require students in grades K-8 who are not likely to be promoted to attend an extended year program to be eligible for promotion.
VA: Diagnosis of reading deficiency and intervention provided in grades K-1
WI: Remedial reading service for pupils in grades K-4 who fail to meet reading objectives or fail to pass reading assessment.
Criteria
Table 3 lists various criteria that are considered in making promotion decisions. It is not clear from examining public state documents whether these criteria are the same for students with and without disabilities.
From the information summarized in Table 3, we generated several statements:
• Performance on statewide (n=13) or local assessments (n=3, 2 of which also use statewide assessment performance) is used by all 14 states to make decisions about promotion.
• For states that are developing policies ending social promotion, a variety of criteria are used when considering promotion decisions. The most frequently considered criteria are statewide assessment scores, teacher input, grades or school credits, and attendance at summer school/extended year programs.
• Other criteria that are considered include principal input, parent input, classroom evidence of performance, attendance, committee review, other local assessment or standardized test scores, or student request.
Most states use more than one type of criteria to make promotion decisions. For example, in some states, statewide assessment scores are the primary means of determining promotion status, but parent or principal input also plays a role in the final decision about whether a student is promoted. In California, local school boards can choose not to use the state assessment scores as criteria for making promotion decisions, and may instead rely on other indicators such as grades. Nevada also relies on local policy for determining how promotion decisions are made. Local school boards must set a minimum number of credits students must accumulate, but this number may vary across the state. Nevada also places authority to retain a pupil in the hands of the child’s teacher and principal: “the pupil’s teacher and principal in joint agreement have the final authority to retain a pupil in the same grade for the succeeding school year.” In some states students at risk of retention can attend summer school or an extended year program to make up credits or increase skills in order to be promoted the next school year.
Table 3. Criteria Considered in Making Promotion Decisions
Criteria |
Number of States |
States |
Statewide Assessment Scores |
13 |
Arkansas, California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, North Carolina, Ohio, South Carolina, Texas, Virginia, Wisconsin |
Teacher Input |
9 |
California, District of Columbia, Illinois, Louisiana, Nevada, North Carolina, Ohio, Texas, Wisconsin |
Grades/School Credits |
7 |
California, Delaware, District of Columbia, Louisiana, Nevada, Ohio, Wisconsin |
Attendance at Summer School/Extended Year Program |
7 |
|
Principal Input |
6 |
|
Parent Input |
4 |
California, North Carolina, South Carolina, Texas |
|
3 |
District of Columbia, Florida, North Carolina |
Attendance |
3 |
Louisiana, Nevada, Ohio |
|
3 |
Florida, Illinois, Nevada |
Committee Review |
2 |
Florida, Louisiana |
Student Request |
1 |
South Carolina |
Note: The information in this table is based on policies available in December, 1999. Some of the policies at that time were in proposed state policies while others were in policies already in place.
CA: Local school boards set their own policy; the state provides samples or models of policy. Suggestions for research and practice to help make promotion decisions and plan interventions are available on CA Web site, along with links to other Web sites from organizations that can assist in the process.
Five states have promotion policies that specify limits on how long or how many times a student may be retained (Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Louisiana, Nevada). These limits vary across states. The District of Columbia and Louisiana limit the number of times a student can be retained based on a student’s age. For example, in Louisiana, a fourth grade student who is 12 years old on or before September 30 must be placed in an alternative setting or program if he/she fails to score above “unsatisfactory,” as opposed to being retained with younger fourth graders. Delaware and Florida allow a student to be retained for no more than two years. Florida also stipulates that if a student is retained, “it must be in a program different from the previous year’s program.” Nevada law states that no pupil can be retained more than one time in the same grade. Other states allow districts to decide how long a student may be retained.
Criteria for Students with Disabilities
All of the 14 states with emerging promotion policies refer to students with disabilities; however, application of promotion criteria to students with disabilities is minimal or not clearly stated in many states. According to many state policies, the IEP plays a role in how individual decisions for students with disabilities are made. These roles vary among states:
• For many states, the IEP plays a role in determining how the student will participate in statewide assessments that are part of the criteria for promotion decisions (through regular assessment, alternate assessment, assessment with accommodations, etc.). This is the case for Arkansas, Illinois, Louisiana, North Carolina, and Wisconsin.
• According to some state policies, students with disabilities must meet the same criteria for promotion as students without disabilities unless the IEP stipulates otherwise (California, South Carolina).
• In other policies, promotion for students with disabilities is simply based on whether the student meets IEP goals (District of Columbia, Nevada).
• In one state, it appears that students with disabilities can be exempted from taking the test involved in promotion decisions by an IEP decision (Ohio). In another (Virginia), passing literacy tests is not required for students with disabilities to enter ninth grade if they are progressing on objectives of their IEP or 504 plan. The literacy test is required for students without disabilities. However, passing of the Standards of Learning (SOL) tests is required of students with disabilities unless the IEP allows them to demonstrate proficiency on alternate assessment.
These states may have additional procedures clarifying these exemptions in their special education laws, rules, or regulations, but the linkages were not specifically addressed in public social promotion policy documents available as of December 1999.
Although reference to students with disabilities was evident in most state promotion policies, only two states provided specific information about promotion decisions for students with disabilities. For example, California policy documents include specific questions that must be addressed by the IEP team to determine whether a student with disabilities may be retained. These questions relate to whether the IEP and manner of assessment were appropriate, and whether appropriate services were offered and provided to the student. Louisiana notes that criteria for promotion decisions for students with disabilities must take into account student attendance, completion of IEP goals, transition planning, and the use of an alternate assessment if necessary.
States vary widely in the ways that the IEP is used to assist in making social promotion decisions. In South Carolina, students with disabilities are subject to general education social promotion criteria unless the IEP defines goals and promotion standards that differ from the general education goals and standards. In Ohio, students with disabilities may be excused from taking the assessment (on which promotion decisions are based) if the IEP specifies accordingly. In the District of Columbia and Nevada, students with disabilities may be promoted if they are meeting the goals stated on their IEPs. In North Carolina, students with disabilities may be exempted from statewide student accountability promotion standards by the IEP team if the team determines that the students do not have the ability to participate in the state standard course of study. Other states such as Texas use a local committee to make decisions about promotion/retention for students receiving special education services. In Florida, its policy states that the state board rules are to address the promotion of students with disabilities, and in Delaware, it states that “the Department is to develop regulations to address how to implement the standards with students with disabilities.”
Student Interventions |